Group Invitation Program for Next Generation Experts in ASEAN (Cohort2: Interfaith Dialogue) Tran Thi Phuong Anh

Tran Thi Phuong Anh (Vietnam)
Senior Researcher, Institute of Anthropology and Religious Studies, Vietnam Academy of Social Sciences

Final Report

The second cohort of the Group Invitation Program for Next Generation Experts in ASEAN, themed “Interfaith Dialogue 2025: From Division to Connection,” was held in winter - the coldest season of the year in Japan. Winter not only underscores the harshness of natural conditions, but also renders social divisions more visible. In such a context, the question of the role of religion is no longer merely theoretical; it becomes a practical concern: how does religion respond to the concrete sufferings experienced by individuals?

Although prepared within a relatively short timeframe, the program offered a clear and candid portrayal of the relationship between religion and contemporary Japanese society. Notably, it did not shy away from complex and pressing issues, including population aging, social isolation, suicide, migration, poverty, and challenges in interfaith relations. Rather than presenting achievements alone, our Japanese counterparts openly shared their concerns, ongoing efforts, and limitations.

Through field visits and direct dialogue with scholars, religious leaders, and faith-based practitioners, we witnessed a vivid picture of religious life in Japan. Religion is not merely a system of belief or ritual practice; it functions as a social entity that accompanies individuals in confronting loneliness, deprivation, illness, and even the boundary between life and death. Religious engagement was evident in meal services for the homeless, in efforts to provide psychological and social support for vulnerable youth, in initiatives to secure burial spaces for Muslim communities, in educational programs for migrants, and in healing spaces for those affected by natural disasters.

Religion in Contemporary Society: A Comparison between Japan and Vietnam

Within the context of contemporary society, religious life in Japan and Vietnam reveals several notable similarities.

In both countries, the proportion of individuals who self-identify as “having a religion” does not fully reflect the actual presence of religion in social life. Similar to Japan, in Vietnam only about 30% of the population says they are followers of a religion. However, the number of people who participate in rituals, engage in folk religious practices, or are influenced by Buddhist worldviews is significantly higher than official statistics suggest. This reflects an important characteristic of religious culture in both societies: a greater emphasis on practice rather than professed belief. Religion is not necessarily defined by formal declarations of faith, but by participation in rituals and repeated practices embedded in everyday life.

Another similarity lies in the prominent role of Buddhism in life-cycle rituals, particularly funerals. In Japan, life-related events such as baby's first month celebrations, New Year's celebrations, and blessing ceremonies are often associated with Shinto, while funerals are linked to Buddhism. This configuration is somewhat similar to Vietnam and represents a blend of Buddhism and traditional religions (Shinto in Japan and ancestor worship in Vietnam).

In both Japan and Vietnam, Buddhism occupies a significant position within the religious structure. Other religions coexist but represent smaller proportions. The presence of religious minority communities gives rise to diverse group identities, in which religion becomes an important marker of collective identity and may influence intergroup relations.

In Vietnam, within some ethnic minority communities, the adoption of newly introduced religions (such as Protestantism or, in some cases, Islam) represents not only a change in personal beliefs but also a restructuring of kinship relationships, traditional rituals, and community power structures. Such transitions can create internal tensions, particularly between those who maintain traditional practices and those who follow other religions. The case of the Cham community illustrates the internal diversity of a single ethnic group shaped by religious differences. The coexistence of Cham groups practicing Brahmanism (Hinduism), Bani Islam (a local form of religion incorporating elements of global Islam with indigenous beliefs), and Islam creates differences in ritual practices, social organization, and marriage norms. Although these differences do not always result in open conflict, they may affect internal cohesion and intergroup relations under certain circumstances.

In Japan, religious conflict between major traditions is relatively rare in the contemporary period. However, tensions have occasionally emerged in relation to new religious movements, leading to a degree of societal caution toward highly organized religious groups with clearly articulated doctrines. In addition, the growing Muslim immigrant community has also posed new challenges related to cemeteries, places of worship, and religious practices within a relatively culturally homogeneous Japanese society. At the same time, not all social divisions stem from religion. In many cases, these divisions are created by economic, social, or cultural factors.

From the examples above, it can be seen that religion can both strengthen identity and enhance group cohesion, and become a dividing line between communities when there is a lack of dialogue and mutual understanding. In this context, for religion to become a bridge rather than a source of division requires several important conditions.

First, interfaith and intercultural understanding must be promoted, particularly at the local community level. Dialogue should not be confined to scholars or religious elites, but should be embedded in everyday interactions among communities.

Second, local religious leaders play a crucial role. Given their moral authority and influence over followers, they can guide behavior toward tolerance, respect, and cooperation rather than confrontation.

Third, the state’s policy framework is essential in creating enabling conditions. A transparent legal environment that safeguards freedom of religion while encouraging social cooperation allows religious communities to contribute positively to reducing tensions and supporting vulnerable groups.

Thus, in both the Japanese and Vietnamese contexts, religion can be a source of conflict or connection depending on how communities interpret their identity, how religious leaders guide community practices, and how public policy creates space for dialogue and cooperation.

Religion and Social Connectivity

In both the Japanese and Vietnamese contexts, religion is often seen primarily as a means of connecting humans with the supernatural world – between the living and the dead, between the mundane and the sacred. However, in another equally important dimension, religion creates connections between people in a rapidly changing society.

Through collective rituals, volunteer work, community activities, and social support networks, religion creates spaces for encounter, sharing, and strengthening a sense of belonging. In the context of modern society, where urbanization, migration, media development, and individualization may erode traditional forms of connection, the social connecting function of religion becomes even more noteworthy.

A highlight observed during this program's field trips is that religions do not focus on economically and socially privileged groups, but rather on vulnerable groups: the homeless, teenagers experiencing psychological crises, single elderly people, women in difficult circumstances, and those affected by natural disasters. In these activities, religion not only provides material support such as food, temporary shelter, or financial assistance, but also creates safe spaces for listening, companionship, and recovery.

In Vietnam, religious organizations actively participate in charitable and social welfare activities, particularly in supporting the poor, disaster relief, healthcare, and early childhood education. However, most current activities still focus on direct material support. Compared to Japan, intervention models focused on psychosocial care, long-term support, or community reintegration have not yet developed to their full potential.

One area where religion clearly demonstrates its role in connecting communities is education. In Japan, religious organizations participate in the education system at various levels. The Otsuka International Islamic School in Tokyo, for example, not only meets the educational needs of children in the Muslim community but also contributes to fostering cultural and religious dialogue in a diverse society. The Toyo Eiwa Jogakuin School, a private girls' school established in 1884 on a Christian foundation, exemplifies a long-standing tradition of integrating modern education with religious values in character development.
These models not only impart knowledge but also cultivate an environment that fosters character, social responsibility, and a spirit of community service.

Meanwhile, in Vietnam, the participation of religious organizations in formal education remains relatively limited. Currently, religious organizations are primarily involved at the preschool level, some vocational training institutions, and very few post-secondary education institutions. Compared to the human resources, facilities, and community networks that religious organizations possess, their involvement in general and higher education is modest. This raises questions about the potential for expanding the social role of religion in the future, especially in the context of increasing attention to value education and character education.

The above analysis suggests that religion has the potential to become an important intermediary institution in reducing social stratification. However, to fulfill this role, a balance is needed between three main factors: the initiative and self-organizational capacity of religious communities; the mediating role of academia in creating a knowledge base and promoting dialogue; and a transparent policy and legal framework that facilitates the effective participation of religion.

Through field observations, academic exchanges, and interreligious dialogue within the framework of the program, it can be seen that religions, although operating in different historical contexts and social structures, are all facing the common challenges of modern society. In this context, religion is not only a space of faith, but also a space of social interaction. When guided by a spirit of service and tolerance, religion can contribute to connecting disparate individuals into a community, and from there, make a practical contribution to healing social rifts. This can be seen as one of the important and lasting contributions of the "Interreligious Dialogue 2025: From Division to Connection" program to the ASEAN region and Japan in the context of a world facing many new forms of division.

As a representative of Vietnam, I am truly grateful and fortunate to have participated in this program. Not only for the academic knowledge and experience gained, but also for the opportunity to dialogue, listen, and reflect with colleagues from ten ASEAN countries and Japan. This Japanese winter, therefore, is for me not only a memory of the cold, but also a memory of the warmth of the silent efforts that religious communities are making to heal the rifts in society